The annual Commonwealth Fund study has found once again that the U.S. stacks up last in five measures of healthcare -- quality, efficiency, access to care, equity and healthy lives, compared with Britain, Canada, Germany, Netherlands, Australia and New Zealand. All these countries spend a fraction on health care compared with the U.S.
The new health reform law could address some of these deficiencies. But the findings are under attack from defenders of the status quo who claim in part that the problem is not in our health care system, but in our poverty rate.
Countries do have to do a number of things right to actually improve health:
1. Cover everyone for ready access to health care, to nip problems before they escalate, and to control chronic conditions with medicines or lifestyle changes.
2. Treat acute cases by well trained teams that have access to information about how to diagnose and treat hospitalized patients safely, and have the financial and organizational incentives to do so.
3. Reduce inequities that aggravate poor health, particularly economic differences between rich and poor, and social discrimination based on race, gender, sexuality, disability, etc. The stress of relative powerlessness takes a physical toll and compounds the lack of resources that can buy healthy circumstances: Violence-free neighborhoods where outdoor exercise is safe, healthy food and time to prepare it, spending on social programs like education and income support, information about sexual and physical health, as well as good health care.
4. Finally, it should be affordable so that everyone can use it, including those who need it most. This usually means authorizing the government to play a major role in negotiating prices with the health care industry.
U.S. is deplorably deficient in these areas of performance. And it doesn't all happen in lower-income states like Mississippi. Access is unquestionably a function in part of coverage and is equally wretched in California (where policy has been held hostage for decades to arcane but effective rules against social spending) as in the south. Preventable hospitalizations for chronic conditions vary by county as well as state and reflect poor access to primary care as well as demographic variables. Patient safety is a function of systems, and adequate staffing. Outside of the VA system, our acute care hospitals have insufficient standards for safe and efficient performance, which compromises patient safety and outcomes. In addition, uncontrolled high prices for overuse of medical technology drives the costs of care in the U.S.
Does all this, or even the promise that it will improve as reforms are implemented, justify cutting payments to disproportionate share (DSH) hospitals, as the new law proposes? Very debatable.
However. Let's grant that the U.S. has a higher percent of poor people than other countries, that people of color are disproportionately poor, and that poorer people in the U.S. tend to be in worse health. Dr. Richard Cooper, for one, suggests that the main reason we are outspending the world on health care is that we are spending more money taking care of our poor who are sick.
To the extent that this is true, it is only possibly the case because we take care of poor people in the worst possible way - not through universal access to timely primary care, but through crisis medicine when even U.S. standards generally would not tolerate outright denials of care.
We should have fewer poor people. Race should no longer be associated with poverty. Relatively lower income should no longer determine the degree of power and control over life circumstances that are in turn associated with longevity and good health (nor for that matter should gender, sexuality, religion, or most demographic factors and lifestyle choices; age of course is the exception.). We should not only continue to document these pernicious trends, we should turn our scholarship and advocacy to redressing them. Furthermore, our health care system can contribute to social equity, and presently does poorly.
An unspoken argument is that poverty and race account not only for our higher health care spending butt also for our worse health outcomes, so it will not help to look to reforms of the health care delivery system for solutions. I don't know whether rates of medical errors or C-sections (or misuse of neonatal intensive care units) are higher in the U.S. than in, say, Finland. I know that they are higher than they should be, that they are not disproportionately prevalent in "poverty ghettos," and that they contribute to unjustifiable costs and poor outcomes. Reforming the health care delivery system should not be an excuse for failing to remedy social inequalities. Pointing to inequalities cannot divert attention from the inefficiencies and remediable deficiencies in our delivery system.
The new health reform law and ongoing HHS initiatives make reasonable efforts to acknowledge and address access, inequalities, and delivery system reforms. They won't be as successful as they could be in a single payer system like Medicare and the VA, but even a single payer system in the U.S. would have to implement the kind of delivery and organizational reforms that are now before us.
Ellen R. Shaffer and Joe Brenner are Co-Directors of the Center for Policy Analysis, a source of thoughtful, reliable information on social & economic policies that affect the public's health, and a network for policy makers and advocates. Projects: *The EQUAL Health Network, for: Equitable, Quality, Universal, Affordable health care www.equalhealth.info * Trust Women/Silver Ribbon Campaign www.oursilverribbon.org * Center for Policy Analysis on Trade and Health www.cpath.org
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